America, the new Great Game in Central Asia and the politics of oil PDF Print E-mail
Written by NotOverYet   
Tuesday, 27 November 2007
By By Kaleem Omar The News International (Pakistan) November 10, 2007 The United States is the worlds biggest consumer and importer of oil. But the Chinese economic juggernaut is fast catching up with the US as an oil importer and is projected to have more cars than the US by the year 2020. The competition between the two countries for new sources of oil is going to be intense. With crude oil prices closing in on an all-time high of $ 100 a barrel this week and expected to breach that barrier within the next few days, the US s interest in getting a hammerlock on Central Asias vast oil and gas reserves is likely to become greater than ever before. The United States is spending $ 83 million to ugrade its two main air bases in Afghanistan, the Bagram Air Base, north of Kabul, and Kandahar Air Field in the south. Both bases are being equipped with new runways, new navigation aids and other facilities. The move reinforces the view that Washington intends to maintain a permanent military presence in Afghanistan in order to ensure that the US continues to have access to the huge deposits of oil and gas in Central Asia and the Caspian region. Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Tajikistan, Kyrgystan and Kazakhstan make up the eastern side of the Caspian Sea Basin, Azerbaijan the western side and Iran the southern side a seven-country region beneath which lie oil reserves to rival those of Saudi Arabia and the worlds richest reserves of natural gas. Iran is already the second-biggest OPEC oil producer. It also has large gas reserves. There are also billions of dollars to be made from the oil and gas reserves of the former Soviet republics of Central Asia. This is what is driving the new Great Game in Central Asia. It has often been said that the business of America is business and that its foreign policy in the post-cold war era is driven more by commercial considerations than other factors. That certainly seems to be the case when it comes to President George W. Bushs administration, many of whose senior members, including Bush and Vice-President Dick Cheney, have close ties to big business and, more specifically, to major players in the energy and arms industries.. As CEO of the US energy services giant Haliburton Corporation for five years (1995-2000), Cheney spent much of the 1990s scheming with his fellow oil barons to get a pipeline from the fields of the Caspian Sea where a projected $ 4 trillion in profits are waiting for them through Afghanistan and Pakistan to the Arabian Sea. Cheneys business interests in oil and arms, temporarily divested while he helps direct American policy in energy and defence, rival those of former President George Bush Senior and his son. The Bush family has close connections to the Washington-based Carlyle Group, a $ 14 billion private equity firm that has parlayed a roster of former top-level government officials, largely from the Reagan and Bush Senior administrations, into a money-making machine. On the board of directors for Carlyle is former President George Bush. James A. Baker, who was Secretary of State under the first President Bush and spearheaded George W. Bushs crisis management team in the Florida vote-recount episode in the 2000 presidential election, is currently senior counsel to the Carlyle Group. He was a classmate of former Defence Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld at Yale University. Rumsfeld was the roommate of Frank C. Carlucci at Yale. Carlucci, who was Secretary of Defence under President Ronald Reagan, is currently chairman of the Carlyle Group. The current President Bush was a director of a firm called Caterair during the years 1990-94. Caterair is owned by the Carlyle Group. A report published in the New York Times on March 5, 2001 said that during the 2000 presidential campaign, former President George Bush took time off from his sons race to visit Saudi Arabia.to talk to top-level Saudi officials about American-Saudi business affairs. In a new spin on Washingtons revolving door between business and government, where lobbying by former government officials is restricted but soliciting investment is not, Carlyle has upped the ante and taken the practice global. Bush Senior and Baker were accompanied on their trips by former Prime Minister John Major of Britain, another of Carlyles political stars. George W. Bushs own business interests were once tied to Saudi financiers. In 1979, Bushs first business, Arbusto Energy, obtained financing from James Bath, a Houstonian and close family friend. One of many investors, Bath gave Bush $ 50,000 for a 5 per cent stake in Arbusto. At that time, Bath was the sole US business representative for Salem bin Laden, head of the wealthy Saudi Arabian family and a brother (one of 17) to Osama bin Laden. It has long been suspected but never proven that the money came directly from Salem bin Laden. In a statement issued shortly after the September 11 attacks on the United States, the White House vehemently denied the connection, insisting that Bath invested his own money, not Salem bin Ladens, in Arbutso. In conflicting statements, Bush at first denied ever knowing Bath, then acknowledged his stake in Arbutso and that he was aware that Bath represented Saudi interests. An article by Neela Banerjee in The New York Times headlined Fears again of oil supplies at risk addressed the nightmares that George W. Bushs war in Afghanistan had raised among those concerned about oil. Banerjee restated other points that need emphasising, such as the fact that while US dependence on Gulf oil is down to 13 per cent of overall use, Saudi Arabia remains the USs biggest single supplier of crude. Moreover, said Banerjee, the Saudis are the only ones with enough spare oil-field capacity to call on if there is a severe disruption (of supplies) elsewhere. Meanwhile, ex-President and ex-CIA Director George Bush has reportedly been using his Saudi connections to further the business interests of the Carlyle Group. The American public-interest law firm Judicial Watch in 2001 strongly criticised this situation, pointing out in a March 5 statement that it was a conflict of interest that could cause problems for American foreign policy in the Middle East and Asia. In a follow-up statement on September 29 (nineteen days after the 9/11 attacks on the United States), Judicial Watch said: This conflict of interest has now turned into a scandal. Hidden behind President Bushs invasion of Afghanistan, could there be an Oil Agenda? Michael Klare, author of Resource Wars, has suggested that the long-term Bush/Cheney plan is to establish a Pax Americana in Central Asia and secure the vast oil and natural gas resources of the Caspian Basin. US oil companies have been negotiating with the post-Soviet republics of Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan for access to the oil and gas resources for years but have been stymied by political instability in the region. Oil conglomerates were torn between two possible pipeline routes to Western markets: west through the war-torn Caucasus Mountains to Turkey, or south through war-torn Afghanistan to Pakistan and the Arabian Sea. Until it was put on hold in 1997, Unocal, a leading US energy firm, which spearheaded the Afghanistan project, was to have built a 1,030-mile oil pipeline, called the Central Asian Oil Pipeline Project (which would start at Chardzhou in Turkmenistan and link Russias Siberian existing oil pipelines to Pakistans Arabian Sea coast), and a companion 918-mile natural gas pipeline, in addition to a tanker loading terminal at Gwadar, on the Mekran coast. The company projected annual revenues of $ 2 billion, or enough to recover the cost of the project in five years. Unocal opened offices in Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan and Pakistan and got every faction of Afghanistans Northern Alliance to sign on. According to a report published in the New York Times on May 12, 1998, even former US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger got on board to help sell the project in the region. Backing the Caspian plan is none other than US Vice-President Dick Cheney, who, as CEO of Halliburton, was successful in winning contracts from Caspian Sea states to be part of any future development. In 1994 Cheney helped broker a deal between US Oil giant Chevron and the state of Kazakhstan when he sat on the Oil Advisory Board of that Central Asian state. In a speech on June 23, 1998 to oil executives at the Washington-based Cato Institute, a Conservative think tank, Cheney said: The current hot spots for major oil companies are the oil resources of the Caspian Sea region. Former Soviet states Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan are all seeking to quickly develop their oil reserves, which languished during the years of Russian domination. The stakes in that region could be as much as 200 billion barrels of oil and natural gas, Cheney told his audience.
 
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